Anger Theories and Management in Prison

Anger managenent, prison overcrowding.

Crowding in prison setting has been associated with lower psychological wellbeing and physiological wellbeing (Lepor, Evans,& Schnieder, 1991). For example, the rate of emotional distress and frequent report of anxiety and feelings of depression by inmate have been reported by (Fatoye, Fatoye, Oyebanji & Ogunro, 2006). This tends to be common to larger percentages of prisons as a result of deplorable conditions of the prisons. Meanwhile, Omorotionwa(2005), observed that the Nigerian prisons are in sordid state of and the conditions under which prisoners live are pathetic, unkind, wicked and anti-development, retrogressive and do not meet the international standards for prisons inmates all over the world. Most of the Prisons in Nigeria are in a deteriorated situation as inmates are presently experiencing the problem of congestion and shortage of facilities like sleeping mattresses, poor lighting system and inadequate ventilation (Okoza, Imhonde & Aluede 2010). Most of the buildings are leaking and the sewage disposal units are bad resulting into a terrible stench. Omorotionwman (2005) found that overcrowding encourages riots. In overcrowded prisons, inmates get on one another's nerves and friction among them are quick to develop leading to serious behavioural problems such as violence and aggression.

Violent and aggressive behaviour in prisons is a significant problem for penal systems around the world (Logan et al. 2001; Useem & Goldstone, 2002; Wood & Adler, 2001). Various reasons for such violence and aggression have been suggested. Problematic management strategies (Mc Corkle et al. 1995), the prevalence of substance abuse (Logan et al., 2001), and the existence of violent subcultures (Ireland, 2000), have all been proposed as possible causes. The relationship between aggressive behaviour and crowding, however, has been well established in prison contexts (Cox et al., 1984; Lester, 1991; Paulus & McCain,

1983; Porporino, 1986), and other environments, including psychiatric units (Ng et al., 2001), and in the home (Evans & Lepore, 1993). The literature, however, is more equivocal about the reason for this link. It has been suggested that those who are subjected to crowded conditions, and also lack a social support network, may become more prone to distress

(Lepore et al., 1991). This distress may then, in turn, be linked to increases in aggression, although this mechanism is not specified. Also, social identity influences have been suggested as a factor in supporting the exhibition of violence and non-violence in crowded situations (Stott et al., 2001), particularly in cases in which the crowd's activities are normatively associated with aggression.

Social interactionist perspectives on aggression and violence, however, have more recently emphasised the impact of participants' perceptions and interpretations of the aggressive event, as well as the motivations and intentions of others involved in the incident (Lawrence & Leather, 1999a, b, 2003). Lawrence & Leather (1999b, 2003) for example, showed that environmental conditions can influence the extent to which individuals interpret aggressive or ambiguous behaviours as being malevolent, hostile, and intentional in nature. Evidence

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